NIGERIA AT 51: CAN THE PRESENT DEFINE THE FUTURE?
By Ignatius Ibanga
Development Worker, Blogger and Writer on Contemporary Issues
senatorig@gmail.com
www.ignatiusibanga.blogspot.com
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October 1st 1960 marked the turning point in the political history of Nigeria. On this date, the union jack flag was buried for the green white green flag of Nigeria to born. The birth and rise of this (green white green) flag came with lots of celebration, hope and expectation. The bond and commonality among Nigerians was volcanic. Everyone thinks Nigeria, speaks Nigeria, dream Nigeria, sing Nigeria. Elites, men, women, and youths had a common vision and a common mission. Sacrifice and selfless service characterized the entire spectrum. Unprecedented passion enveloped Nigerians for Nigeria. That was how virtually every sector witnessed steady and gradual growth and development until the military dark years and the 30 month callous inhumane civil war set in. These two historical episodes redefined Nigeria along ethnic ideological and heterogeneous lines and the system ever since changed the entire spectrum despites some theoretical reforms like the 3Rs, SAP, OFN MAMSA. To mention but a few.
Nigeria is the 7th most populated country in the world and the 1st in Africa with a population estimate of 155m (155,215,573) occupying an area of 923, 768km2 356,667sq mi. Like most other modern African states, Nigeria is the creation of European imperialism. Its very name is derived after the great Niger River, the country’s dominating physical feature-was suggested in the 1890s by a British journalist Flora Shaw, who later became the wife of colonial governor Frederick Lugard.
This work is aimed at a concise objective historical analysis of Nigeria at 51 with a view to appraise the journey so far in order to determine if the present holds any significant life line for the future. Socio-political and economic of the contemporary Nigeria society will be examined in the light of the subject matter.
Acclaimed as the most populous black nation on earth, the modern history of Nigeria as a political state encompassing 250 to 400 ethnic groups of widely varied cultures and modes of political organisation dates from completion of the British conquest in 1903 and the amalgamation of northern and southern Nigeria into the colony of and protectorate of Nigeria in 1914. The history of Nigerian people extends backward in time for some three millennia.
Archeological evidence, oral traditions, and written documentation established the existence of dynamics societies and well-developed political systems whose history had an important influence on colonial rule and has continued to shape independent Nigeria. Nigerian history is fragmented in a way because it evolved from a variety of traditions, but many of the most outstanding features of modern society reflects the strong influence of the three major dominant ethnic groups-the Hausa, the Yoruba, and the Igbo.
At independent, Nigeria’s government was a coalition of conservative parties: the Nigerians Peoples Congress (NPC) founded in 1944, a party dominated by northerners and those of Islamic faith, and Igbo and Christian dominated National Council of Nigeria and Cameroun (NCNC) led by Nnamdi Azikiwe, who became Nigeria’s maiden Governor General (President) in 1960. Azikiwe’s success and emergence is owed to (the) concerted efforts, campaigns and agitations for greater participation in government and self autonomy that was championed by the nationalist movement.
It will not be out of place to assert that British colonialism gave birth to Nigeria, merging diverse peoples and communities in an artificial political entity. It was therefore not unusual that the nationalist movement that characterized political factor in Nigeria during the interwar period derived an older political particularism and broad Pan- Africanism rather than any sense of a common Nigerian nationality. Their goal at the beginning was not self determination but rather increase participation in the governmental process on a required level. Inconsistencies in British policies re-enforced cleavages based on regional animosities by attempting simultaneously to preserve the indigenous cultures of each area and to introduce modern technology and western political and social concepts. In the north, appeals to Islamic legitimacy upheld the rule of the emirs, such that nationalist sentiments there were decidedly anti-western. In the south however, modern nationalist whose thinking was shaped by European ideas, opposed indirect rule, which had entrenched what was considered to be an anachronistic ruling class in power and shut out the westernized elite.
Early nationalist tended to ignore Nigeria as a focus of patriotism; rather, the common denominator was based on a newly assertive ethic consciousness, particularly Yoruba and Igbo. Despite their acceptance of Europeans and North American influences, the nationalists were critical of colonialism for its failure to appreciate the antiquity of indigenous cultures. They wanted self-government, charging that only colonial rule prevented the unshackling of progressive forces in Africa.
Having offered some concise account of Nigeria, it is imperative to look at Nigeria at 51 with a view to determine whether the present can determine the future.
According World Bank / IMF reports backed by United Nations Development Index, Nigeria is among the eleventh economies in the world with one of the fastest growing economy index. At 51,the country set the pace as the fastest growing GSM market in the world and the third largest internet users though two with astronomical cyber crime rate only next to USA and UK.
Despite all these, Nigeria economy is struggling to leverage the country’s vast wealth in fossil fuels in order to displace the crushing poverty that affects more than 57% of its population. Economists refer to the co-existence of vast wealth in natural resources and extreme personal poverty in developing countries like Nigeria as the “resource curse”. Although “resource curse” is more widely understood to mean an abundance of natural resources, which fuels official corruption resulting in a violent competition for the resources by the citizens of the nation. Nigeria’s export of oil and natural gas at a time of peak prices-have enabled the country to post merchandise trade and current account surpluses in recent years.
Reportedly, 80% of Nigeria’s energy revenues flow to the government, 16% covers operational costs and the remaining 4% go to investors. However, the World Bank has estimated that as a result of corruption 80% of energy revenues benefit only 1% of the population. With this frightening report, can the present determine the future? Does our leaders offer lime light for the economy? Can the present leadership engineer the desired Nigeria? Can Jonathan and his crops of lieutenant champion the course of a new Nigeria? Looking at so many factors, the good, the bad and perhaps the hopeful, I am tempted to ask again, can the present really define the future? Please pardon my curiosity or perhaps skepticism.
Previously hindered by years of mismanagement, economic reforms of the past decade have put Nigeria back on track towards achieving its full economic potentials. Nigerian GDP at purchasing power parity more than doubled from $170.7 billion in 2005 to $ 374.3 billion in 2010, although estimates of the size of the informal sector (which is not included in the official figures) put the actual numbers closer to $520 billion.
According to United Nations Development index (2004) of the 177 countries in UN Development index, Nigeria ranked 151. Thus, creating a worrisome situation when compare to the volume of energy revenue accrued.
Between 2003 and 2007 the country attempted to implement an economic reform programme called National Economics Empowerment Development Strategy (NEEDS). The purpose of NEEDS was to raise country’s standard of living through a variety of reforms which include: Macroeconomics stability, deregulation, liberalization, privatization, transparency, and accountability. The policy (NEEDS) addressed basic deficiencies, such as the lack of freshwater for household use and irrigation, unreliable power supplies, decay infrastructure, impediments to private enterprise, and corruption. The government hoped that NEEDS would create 7million new jobs diversify the economy, boost non-energy exports, increase industrial capacity utilization, and improve agricultural productivity. But the result of the colossal investment of public fund in this programme is there for all to evaluate.
The pessimism about the future of our great nation seems to increase as the day go by. Even people who prophesied of a new Nigeria and those enthusiastic about the Nigerian dream are no longer confidence that the change we desire will come during our lifetime. In the face of high corruption, unemployment, bad roads, deteriorating education system, hunger in the midst of abundance, lying leaders, pen robbery, kidnapping, insecurity and militancy. The question for Nigeria at 51 is can the present define the future?
NEEDS was designed and packaged to respond to a number of social and economic challenges and create the pathway to our dream Nigeria. But in sincerity of heart was the program successful? How much did it gulp? How much was actually expended to actualize the course of the programme? Who did what, when and how? Shouldn’t NASS look into the programme by way of evaluation? Can the government boldly and convincingly boost of effectively and efficiently achieving the mission and objectives of the programme? The truth is that Nigeria is still struggling to improve its energy capacity supply as electricity supply is still a major challenge; federal roads are still in deplorable condition; unemployment on the highest as fresh graduates in thousands flood the labour market yearly; infrastructures are in the decay; corruption has ravished the system and human capacity development seriously impede. The very things NEEDS sets out to achieve are yet to be acclaimed thus.
This programme was also initiated in the state level as well and called the State Economic Empowerment Development Strategy (SEEDS), with similar objectives and programme focus.
Today the concept and philosophy of NEEDS & SEEDS is no longer invoked or perhaps a subject of discourse on national/state fora. An appraisal of the entire programme will leave one with millions of questions with no answers. Rhetorically and for purpose of curiosity did NEEDS &SEEDS met its designed mission/vision statement? Was its objectives achieved? How much of the energy revenue end up in private pockets, foreign account, open up new firm & businesses all in the name of prosecuting NEEDS/SEEDS programmes?
Today the programme no longer generates public discourse and debate in high places/government circle. It is a somewhat new programme/agenda ‘The Millennium Development Goals’ MDGs sponsored by the World Bank. Nigeria at 51 is paradoxically a crawling nation, but blessed with abundant natural & human resources. At 51, we still celebrate in poverty, we still celebrate in darkness, with insecurity a daily nightmare and dilemma, we still celebrate a midst high level corruption and open extortion by official uniform government agents. Can the present really define the future with all these challenges? In life, the only thing that sustains man is hope. Some call it faith. Yes! Where there is life, there hope. Thus, there is still hope for Nigeria to reborn despite the level of harms and injuries Nigerians have done to Nigeria. There is still hope that one day, electricity will run uninterrupted in Nigeria for 10 years. Yes! There is every possibility that very soon; the Nigerian electorates shall in one accord cause their elected governor or whoever to resign from office for none performing and corruption. There is always light at the end of the tunnel. Don’t give up and never be silence on matters of social justice or else you will be the next casualty.